Details
General
| Morphemic form: | V{-ðaq}N, V{-gaq}N, V{-aq}N |
| New orthography: | -taq, +saq, -saq, -gaq, -aq |
| Old orthography: | -taĸ, -saĸ, -ssaĸ, -gaĸ, -aĸ |
| Sources: | [SK71], [CBBJRPIKJR97], [CWSL58] |
| Combinations: | View list |
| See also: | V{ðə}N, V{ðuq}N, V{nəq}N |
| Ancestor(s): | +{ðar}N (PE), +{kar}N (PE) |
| Left sandhi: | Truncative, Irregular |
| Right sandhi: | /aq/ drop |
| Inflection sandhi: | Weak stem, Default/none, p-declined, Geminating, g⇒kk |
| Stem type: | q-stem |
Description and behaviour
Form and usage:
This affix is used to create nouns from divalent stems that represent the Patient role of the verbal action.
It can be translated as 'one who is Vb'ed' or perhaps as 'Vb'ee' (compare e.g. English 'to train', 'trainee' = 'one who is trained').
Given the meaning, it only makes sense on divalent stems (and is only used productively on such stems), although there are a few lexicalised examples of it being used even on monovalent stems (where the meaning implies a Patient).
The affix is commonly used with possessive endings to express 'a Patient that was Vb'ed by Possessor', which can correspond to a sub-clause with 'who(m)' in English.
For example:
- angut takusara naapipparput, 'we met the man whom I saw', with Absolutive 1.sg/sg ending N{-ga}. Literally 'who was seen by me'.
The noun created by this affix can also be incorporated again by another affix. There are in particular two common constructions:
- It can be incorporated with N{-qaq}V to yield a completely indefinite construction, corresponding to 'some/any' in English. See V{-ðaqaq}V for further details on this construction.
- It can be incorporated with N{-u}V, which yields a stative passive verb, corresponding to 'is/was Vb'ed' in English. See V{-ðau}V for further details on this construction.
Left sandhi:
According to the Comparative Eskimo Dictionary, this affix is historically two different morphemes, +{ðar}N and +{kar}N with the same meaning, but with different sandhi behaviour, and seemingly with one morpheme being preferred on some stem types, and another on other stem types. The current usage is a blend between the two (suppletion), leading to much irregularity. Thus, this affix has idiosyncratic sandhi rules. Today, the rules are as follows:
On vowel stems the affix regularly becomes /caq/. For example
{taku}V + V{-ðaq}N ⇒ /takucaq/ ⇒ takusaq.
Note that if the stem ends in /it/, the t-to-s rule may also be triggered. This might not happen regularly nowadays, but it is seen in lexicalised combinations, especially after V{ŋŋit}V. Thus:
V{ŋŋit}V + V{-ðaq}N ⇒ /ŋŋitaq/ ⇒ /ŋŋisaq/
but it may also be seen in other lexicalised passive participles, for example {təkit}V, which has the lexicalised passive participle /təkisaq/, i.e. tikisaq.
On q-stems, the affix removes /q/ and becomes /gaq/ contrary to all rules; this form also shows (regular) gemination -gaq, -kkap, -kkat and so on. For example {atuvaq}V + V{-ðaq}N ⇒ /atuvagaq/ ⇒ atuagaq.
On the other consonant stems (i.e. /t/ and /k/ stems), /ð/ regularly becomes /t/, but at the same time the affix removes the consonant, so we get the form -taq. For example {tuqut}V + V{-ðaq}N ⇒ /tuqutaq/ ⇒ toqutaq.
On t(ə)-stems the affix attaches to /ə/, becoming /caq/, but /ə/ then disappears, so we get
/-t(ə)ðaq/ ⇒ /-t(ə)caq/ ⇒ /-tcaq/ ⇒ [-ccaq] ⇒ -ssaq
For example {tunnəjut(ə)}V + V{-ðaq}N ⇒ /tunnəjut(ə)ðaq/ ⇒ /tunnəjut(ə)caq/ ⇒ /tunnijutcaq/ ⇒ [tunniuccaq] ⇒ tunniussaq.
There is even an apparent exception to the rule for t(ə)-stems: If the HTR-form of the t(ə)-stem is -tsivoq, like on a true t-stem (which is not common, but happens in a few, irregular cases, see for example N{tqut(ə)}V), then the passive participle also seems to behave as if it were a true t-stem. Thus we also get the form -taq; for example avaqquppaa, avaqqutaq. See further under the right-sandhi for V{-(cc)ut(ə)}V.
Historical forms
This is historically a highly irregular affix, so you can find many lexicalised words containing this affix that do not follow these rules, e.g.It seems like the form V{-gaq}N was previously preferred on k-stems, rather than on q-stems (as is the case today). For example, according to Kleinschmidt, the form V{-gaq}N was used on k-stems and q-stems, whilst the form V{-ðaq}N was used on the other stem types.
Thus, it seems that, historically, the initial consonant of this morpheme reflects the stem-final consonant of the stems to which it attached in the past, i.e. with {+aq} attaching to the stem-final consonant (and weakening it). By this rule, the form might instead have been written as V{(ð)aq}N, which would allow an alternative formulation of the left-sandhi rules for this affix. We would regularly get:
- /gaq/ on k-stems, e.g. {uqnək}V + V{(ð)aq}N ⇒ ornigaq,
- /taq/ on t-stems, e.g. V{tət}V + V{(ð)aq}N ⇒ -titaq,
- /saq/ on it-stems, e.g. {təkit}V + V{(ð)aq}N ⇒ -tikisaq,
- /caq/ on vowel-stems with injection of (ð), e.g. {taku}V + V{(ð)aq}N ⇒ takusaq.
Instead, this presentation requires a special rule for q-stems, where (ð) also is injected, such that this too yields /taq/, or /saq/ after /iq/.
The above seems to have been the rules at the time of Kleinschmidt. However, the form V{-aq}N (or V{(ð)aq}N) does not appear to be productive in today's usage; likely because many speakers no longer quite remember, which consonant stems are k-stems and which are t-stems, and which written 'i' are actually /ə/. This has led to much confusion, since stems nowadays are derived by the productive rules, whilst a number of lexicalised passive participles derived by these older rules also exist.
On a few old, lexicalised stems, the affix even appears as just V{-aq}N, e.g. sanaaq, 'a product; something made', from {sana}V, Agent produces/processes Patient.
According to Kleinschmidt [SK71], this form could also be used on HTR-stems.
However this usage is not regular nowadays.
Right sandhi:
There are cases where the final /aq/ may drop, but this only happens with a few affixes with left-sandhi replacivity. It does not generally happen before vowel-initial endings.
Notable forms:
-
Habitual:
V{ðaq}V + V{-ðaq}N ⇒ /ðaqðagaq/
Following the affix V{ðaq}V (habitually) on a vowel stem, where the initial /ð/ becomes /c/, that affix may be duplicated, such that we get
For example, iisartagaq, 'pill', literally 'something habitually swallowed', from iivaa, 'he swallows it'.
Inflection
Inflection pattern:
| Stem type: | q-stem |
| Inflection sandhi: | Weak stem, Default/none, p-declined |
| Stem before consonant | Stem before vowel | Notable forms | |
|---|---|---|---|
| New orthography | -ta | -ta | -taq, -tap, -tat |
| Old orthography | -ta | -ta | -taĸ, -tap, -tat |
| Phonemic orthography | -ða | -ða | -ðaq, -ðap, -ðat |
Notes on inflection:
This declension pattern is used when this morpheme appears as {-taq}, {-caq} or {-aq}.
Inflection pattern:
| Stem type: | q-stem |
| Inflection sandhi: | Weak stem, Geminating, p-declined, g⇒kk |
| Stem before consonant | Stem before vowel | Notable forms | |
|---|---|---|---|
| New orthography | -kka | -ga | -gaq, -kkap, -kkat, -kki |
| Old orthography | -gka | -ga | -gaĸ, -gkap, -gkat, -gki |
| Phonemic orthography | -gga | -ga | -gaq, -ggap, -ggat, -ggi |
Notes on inflection:
When this morpheme appears as V{-gaq}N, it has regular gemination with /g/ becoming [kk] with consonant-initial endings. There are also special forms with the archaic absolutive possessive 4sg/sg ending N{'-i}, which causes /aq/ to drop with compensatory gemination of /g/ to [kk].
Meanings and examples
Or 'a Vb'ee' or similar.
Tags: Participle
- asasaq, one who is loved (by someone).
From asavaa, 'he loves him'
- asasaa, his beloved
[CWSL58]
With Absolutive 3.sg/sg ending N{-a}.
- atuagaq, A book
From atuarpaa, 'he reads it', literally 'something that is read'.
- iisartagaq, A pill
From iivaa, 'he swallows it' + V{ðaq}V (habitual action), which is duplicated before the present affix (iisartagaq) since it is attached to a vowel stem and therefore gets the form -sar-.
- aggiussai, the things he brought
[CWSL58]
From {aggiut(ə)}V, '
Agentcomes withPatient' with Absolutive 3.sg/pl ending N{-i}, literally 'his come-with things'. - nannuttaq, a polar bear one has caught
[CBBJRPIKJR97]
From nannuppoq, 'he catches a polar bear'. Note, this is irregularly formed (and lexicalised), since the stem consonant is not deleted, and the stem is not divalent.
- aalisagaq, fish
[CBBJRPIKJR97]
From aalisarpoq, 'he fishes', so literally 'something that is fished for'. Note, this example is irregularly formed (and lexicalised), since the stem is not divalent.
- toqqortaq, something that is hidden/stored away
[CBBJRPIKJR97]
From toqqorpaa, 'he hides/stores it'. Note, this is irregularly formed (and lexicalised), since the {ðaq} form is used on a q-stem instead of the {-gaq} form, and the /q/ is not deleted.
- toqutaq, the one who was killed
[CBBJRPIKJR97]
From {tuqut}V, '
AgentkillsPatient'. - nalusaq, the unknown
[CBBJRPIKJR97]
From {nalu}V, '
Agentknows notPatient'. - tikisaq, the destination (that one has reached)
[CBBJRPIKJR97]
From {təkit}V, '
AgentreachesPatient'. The form /-taq/ is (regularly) used here, but the true /i/ in the stem then causes assibilation of /t/ to /s/ (the t-to-s rule). - tikisaa, the place he arrived at
[CWSL58]
With Absolutive 3.sg/sg ending N{-a}, illustrating how this affix is commonly used with possessive endings. Literally 'his reached place'.
- ornigaq, the destination (that one is approaching)
[CBBJRPIKJR97]
From {uqnək}V, '
AgentapproachesPatient'. Note, this is irregularly formed (and lexicalised), since the {-gaq} form is used on a k-stem instead of {-taq}. - ornigarput, the place/person we approached
[CWSL58]
With Absolutive 1.pl/sg possessive ending N{(q)vut}, illustrating how this affix is commonly used with possessive endings. Literally 'our approached thing/person'.
- inigaq, something one has finished
[CBBJRPIKJR97]
From inerpoq, 'it is finished'. Note, this is non-standard usage, since the stem is not divalent.
- puigugaq, something one has forgotten
[CBBJRPIKJR97]
From puigorpaa, 'he forgets it'.
Search the corpus for further examples.
Tags
References
- [SK71] Samuel Kleinschmidt (1871): Den grønlandske Ordbog.
- [CBBJRPIKJR97] Christian Berthelsen, Birgitte Jakobsen, Robert Petersen, Inge Kleivan & Jørgen Rischel (1997): Oqaatsit.
- [CWSL58] C.W. Schultz-Lorentzen (1958): Den Grønlandske Ordbog.